Strategy also played a role, as a successful hearts and minds campaign led by General Francisco da Costa Gomes helped blunt the influence of the various revolutionary movements. It was also described as a tremendous success of the Portuguese Armed Forces. However, controversies over the MFA coup of 25 April 1974 and the decisions made by coup leaders remain to this day. By this time the regime in Portugal had been through two major political upheavals: from monarchy to republic in 1910 and then to a military dictatorship after a coup in 1926. Fear of reprisals and impending changes in political and economic status by the Marxist governments of the new African states resulted in the peaceful exodus of over one million Portuguese citizens of European, African and mixed ethnicity from the newly independent African territories to Portugal, Brazil, South Africa, and other countries. Tetteh Hormeku – Programme Officer with Third World Network's Africa Secretariat in Accra, Third World Resurgence No.89, January 1998, A «GUERRA» 3º Episódio – «Violência do lado Português». [77] These rifles were used by marksmen accompanying small patrols to eliminate individual enemy at extended ranges in open country. The former Portuguese territories in Africa became sovereign states, with Agostinho Neto in Angola, Samora Machel in Mozambique, Luís Cabral in Guinea-Bissau, Manuel Pinto da Costa in São Tomé and Príncipe, and Aristides Pereira in Cape Verde as the heads of state. Portuguese leaders, including Salazar, attempted to stave off calls for independence by defending a policy of assimilation, multiracialism, and civilising mission, or Lusotropicalism, as a way of integrating Portuguese colonies, and their peoples, more closely with Portugal itself. The 14.5×114mm ZPU AA cannon was the most widely used, but by far the most effective was the Strela 2 missile, first introduced to guerrilla forces in Guinea in 1973 and in Mozambique the following year by Soviet technicians. Nach rund vier Stunden Verhandlungen beschloss der Distriktverwalter Garcia Soares, die Masse aufzuteilen: Der ebenso anwesende katholische Priester des Ortes, die „Inder“ (asiatische Minderheit) und die Häuptlinge (régulos) blieben auf der Veranda des Hauses, während alle anderen außerhalb verbleiben mussten.

For the moment, the Angolan insurgency had been defeated, but new guerrilla attacks would later break out in other regions of Angola such as Cabinda province, the central plateaus, and eastern and southeastern Angola. The Portuguese Navy (particularly the Marines, known as Fuzileiros) made extensive use of patrol boats, landing craft, and Zodiac inflatable boats. Juni 1960 bezeichnet. [92] On April 25, 1974, Portuguese military officers of the MFA staged a bloodless military coup that toppled António de Oliveira Salazar's successor Marcelo Caetano, and successfully overthrew the Estado Novo regime. Detonation of the vehicle mine would cause Portuguese troops to deploy and seek cover in the ditch, where the anti-personnel mines would cause further casualties.

Gleichermaßen legitimierte die gewaltsame Antwort der portugiesischen Verwaltung den 1964 begonnenen bewaffneten Kampf für die Unabhängigkeit Mosambiks. Two state-run universities were founded in Portuguese Africa in the 1962 by the Minister of the Overseas Adriano Moreira (the Universidade de Luanda in Angola and the Universidade de Lourenço Marques in Mozambique, awarding a range of degrees from engineering to medicine[35]); however, most of their students came from Portuguese families living in the two territories. p. 237. Die MANU verlegte ihren Sitz 1961 in das kenianische Mombasa, wo Mateus Mhole die Organisation führte. "[32], As late as the 1950s the policy of 'colorblind' access and mixing of races did not extend to all of Portugal's African territories, particularly Mozambique, where in tune with other minority white regimes of the day in southern Africa, the territory was segregated along racial lines. [7] By 1973, the war had become increasingly unpopular due to its length and financial costs, the worsening of diplomatic relations with other United Nations members, and the role it had always played as a factor of perpetuation of the entrenched Estado Novo regime and the non-democratic status quo. By 1974, the counterinsurgency efforts were successful in the Portuguese territories of Angola and Mozambique, but in Portuguese Guinea the local guerrillas were making progress. The Portuguese ruling regime of Estado Novo faced criticism from the international community and was becoming increasingly isolated.

Support weapons included mortars, recoilless rifles, and in particular, Soviet-made rocket launchers, the RPG-2 and RPG-7. [92], In Angola, the Alvor Agreement was signed on January 15, 1975, granting Angola independence from Portugal on 11 November 1975. Work began in 1903 on a commercially significant line from Benguela all the way inland to the Katanga region, aiming to provide access to the sea for the richest mining district of the Belgian Congo. Many ethnic Portuguese of the African overseas territories were also increasingly willing to accept independence if their economic status could be preserved. [38] On the other hand, General Kaúlza de Arriaga, the most conservative of the three, appears to have doubted the reliability of African forces outside his strict control, while continuing to view African soldiers as inferior to Portuguese troops. With few exceptions, the new regimes ranked at the bottom of human development and GDP per capita world tables. During its 5th Congress, in 1957, the illegal Portuguese Communist Party (Partido Comunista Português – PCP) was the first political organization to demand the immediate and total independence of the colonies.

[57], On February 4, 1961, using arms largely captured from Portuguese soldiers and police[58] 250 MPLA guerrillas attacked the São Paulo fortress prison and police headquarters in Luanda in an attempt to free what it termed 'political prisoners'. The Decolonization of Portuguese Africa: Metropolitan Revolution and the Dissolution of Empire by Norrie MacQueen – Mozambique since Independence: Confronting Leviathan by Margaret Hall, Tom Young – Author of Review: Stuart A. Notholt African Affairs, Vol. In addition, younger Portuguese military academy graduates resented a program introduced by Marcello Caetano whereby militia officers who completed a brief training program and had served in the overseas territories' defensive campaigns, could be commissioned at the same rank as military academy graduates. The reason for Arriaga's abrupt fate was an alleged incident with indigenous civilian populations, and the Portuguese government's suspicion that Arriaga was planning a military coup against Marcelo's administration in order to avoid the rise of leftist influences in Portugal and the loss of the African overseas provinces. After 1964, the OAU recognized PAIGC as the legitimate representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde and in 1965 recognised FRELIMO for Mozambique. The coup resulted in a period of economic collapse and political instability, but received general support from the public in its aim of ending the Portuguese war effort in Africa.

The Portuguese finally entered into direct relations with the Mwenemutapa in the 1560s. Portugal joined NATO as a founding member in 1949, and was integrated within the various fledgling military commands of NATO.[24]. During the latter part of the 1960s, military tactical reforms instituted by Gen. Spínola began to improve Portuguese counterinsurgency operations in Guinea. Approximately 12,000 Portuguese troops died during the course of World War I, including Africans who served in its armed forces in the colonial front.

[74] However, quantities of the 7.62×51mm FN and Belgian G1 FAL battle rifle, known as the m/962, were also issued; the FAL was a favored weapon of members serving in elite commando units such as the Caçadores Especiais. [53] Most concerned was the apartheid government of South Africa, which launched a deep border incursion operation into Angola to attack guerrilla-controlled areas of the country following the coup. [27] Many of the African farm workers living in northern Angola worked under labor contracts that required seasonal relocation of workers from the desertified Southwest and Bailundo areas of Angola. Auch hätten sie um uhuru (Freiheit für die Erde) gebeten, was nicht für Unabhängigkeit, sondern in Chimakonde generell für ein besseres Leben stehe. [2], Auf der portugiesischen Seite wurde die Auswirkung des Vorfalls – des opferreichsten seit der Barué-Revolte von 1921 – in Bezug auf die antikoloniale und antiportugiesische Stimmung in der Kolonie massiv unterschätzt. In practice, this never took place, though trained black Africans living in Portugal's overseas African possessions were allowed to occupy positions in a variety of areas including the military, the civil service, the clergy, education, and private business - providing they had the requisite education and technical skills. This support was transferred to the MPLA and to its leader, Agostinho Neto in 1967. [41] Angola is a large territory, and the long distances from safe havens in neighboring countries supporting the rebel forces made it difficult for the latter to escape detection. In 1974, the FRELIMO launched mortar attacks against Vila Pery (now Chimoio), an important city and the first (and only) heavy populated area to be hit by the FRELIMO. Only those troops involved in coups de main attacks (called golpe de mão in Portuguese) – mainly Commandos and Paratroopers – would deploy by helicopter. However, the m/951 12.7mm (.50 caliber) U.S. M2 Browning heavy machine gun was used in ground and vehicle mounts, as were 60mm, 81mm, and later, 120mm mortars. Mobile ground operations consisted of patrol sweeps by armored car and reconnaissance vehicles. Fertigteilbaukasten: Kollektiver Wohnungsbau in Portugal. However, they also used small arms of U.S. manufacture (such as the .45 M1 Thompson submachine gun), along with British, French, and German weapons came from neighboring countries sympathetic to the rebellion. Es gilt als unklar, ob die MANU das unterschiedliche Verhältnis von Tanganjika zum Vereinigten Königreich im Gegensatz zum Verhältnis Mosambik/Portugal verstand und sich auch der geopolitischen Bedeutung Mosambiks bewusst war. The new governments of Angola and Mozambique, faced a severe set of challenges as devastating civil wars broke out in both countries. Auch sei die Ansammlung der Einwohner keine Demonstration gewesen, sondern eine „banja“, eine von der Provinzregierung Cabo Delgados erbetene und einberufene öffentliche Versammlung. [31], For the Portuguese ruling regime, the overseas empire was a matter of national interest, to be preserved at all costs.

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